Steppe, the Silk Road, and Han Wudi
The Cambridge Illustrated History of
China
Patricia
Buckley Ebrey, Cambridge University
Press
To view this book at Amazon.com

THE
STEPPE AND THE SILK ROAD
The success of the unified
bureaucratic form of government owes a great deal to military
necessity: beginning in the third century BC, in circler to lend off
incursions from the steppe, north China
needed a government capable of deploying huge, well-trained fighting
forces.
From long before Han times, China's
contacts with the outside world had involved a combination of trade
and military conflict. Chinese products like silk and lacquer-ware
were superior to those of its neighbours, creating a demand for
Chinese goods. Some neighbours had goods they could offer in
exchange, such as timber, horses, sheep and cattle. But raiding was
a common alternative to trade; non-Chinese groups who found that
they could acquire the goods they wanted by force had less incentive
to trade. Moreover, those normally willing to trade might turn to
raiding when previously established trade relations were disrupted
or when drought drove them to desperate measures. Defending against
the raids of non-Chinese peoples had been a problem since Shang
times, but with the rise of nomadism in the arid steppe north of
China proper in mid Zhou, the severity of the problem was greatly
exacerbated.
The Inner Asian steppe is a vast
region of grasslands, mountains, and deserts, capable of supporting
only a sparse population. In the best grasslands, such as those of
modern Mongolia, rainfall is too light for grain to grow but animals
can be pastured. Nomads of the steppe near China raised sheep,
goats, camels, and horses, moving their camps north in summer and
south in winter. Their skill as horsemen and hunters, especially
their ability to shoot arrows while riding horseback, made them a
potent military striking force. The typical social structure of the
steppe nomads was tribal, with family and clan units held together
through loyalty to chiefs selected for their military prowess. This
structure could be exploited for efficient military mobilization
when enough tribal units coalesced. The differences in the modes of
living of farmers and herders led to sharp contrasts in their social
values. For most of the imperial period, Chinese farmers looked on
horse-riding pastoralists as a scourge, as pitiless gangs of bullies
who preferred robbing to working for their living. The nomads, for
their part, gloried in their military might and looked with scorn on
farmers as weaklings incapable of defending themselves.
The first great confederation of
nomadic tribes in Inner Asia was formed by the Xiongnu in the late
third century BC. The First Emperor of Qin sent 100,000 troops
against them in 213 BC, and his Great Wall was intended for defense
against them. The early Han emperors tried conciliatory policies,
wooing the Xiongnu leaders with generous gifts, including silk,
rice, cash, and even imperial princesses as brides. Critics of these
policies feared that they merely strengthened the enemy; and indeed,
in 166 BC 140,000 horseman raided deep into China, reaching a point
less than 100 miles from the capital.
Wudi took the offensive. He sent
300,000 troops far into Xiongnu territory in 133 BC. Subsequent
expeditions, like those in 124, 123, and 119, often involved over
100,000 men. These campaigns were enormously expensive, requiring
long supply lines and entailing great losses of men and horses. The
gain was territory: regions north and west of the capital were
acquired, cutting off the Xiongnu from the proto-Tibetan Qiang, whom
they had subjugated. Four commanderies were established in Gansu,
and more than a million people were dispatched to colonize this
northwest region. At the same time Wudi sent troops into northern
Korea to establish commanderies that would flank the Xiongnu on
their eastern border.
Wudi turned his attention to Central
Asia as well, in part to find allies, in part to improve the supply
of horses for the army. In 139 BC he sent one of his officials,
Zhang Qian, west in search of allies to fight against the Xiongnu.
Captured and kept prisoner for ten years, Zhang eventually escaped
and made his way to Bactria and Ferghana, returning in 126 BC. In
115 BC he set out on a second journey west. From his reports, the
Chinese learned for the first time of other civilized states
comparable to China that had developed independently of China.
Ferghana, for instance, he described as 10,000 li (about 3,000
miles) due west of China, a land of fortified cities and dense
population, that grew wheat and grapes for wine and had fine horses
that sweated blood. He described Parthia in similar terms, but drew
particular attention to its merchants and to its coins, made of
silver and bearing the image of the king's face. Zhang Qian
discovered that these regions were already importing Chinese
products, especially silk. In 101 BC, after three years' effort, a
Chinese army made its way beyond the Pamir Mountains to defeat Ferghana,
seize large numbers of its excellent horses, and gain recognition of
Chinese overlordship, thus obtaining control over the trade routes
across Central Asia.
The territorial reach of the Han state had been vastly extended.
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